Kelly leans on experience in Illinois’ Democratic Senate primary

Kelly leans on experience in Illinois’ Democratic Senate primary

U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly, D-Matteson, speaks at an event on March 18, 2025. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew Adams)
U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly is one of three high-profile Democrats hoping to join the U.S. Senate after the 2026 election.
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Cook County Dems back Croke for comptroller, no endorsement for Senate race

Cook County Dems back Croke for comptroller, no endorsement for Senate race

Capitol News Illinois

Article Summary

The Cook County Democratic Party, one of the most powerful political organizations in the state, chose to back Rep. Margaret Croke, D-Chicago, in her bid to be the next state comptroller.
The comptroller endorsement sparked an intraparty fight, with House Speaker Chris Welch on one side and Senate President Don Harmon on the other.
The party made no endorsement in the race for U.S. Senate.

This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.

CHICAGO — At a union hall on Chicago’s South Side, a powerful Democratic Party organization decided who to endorse in the March 17 primary in one key statewide race.
The Cook County Democratic Party Central Committee decided Friday to back Rep. Margaret Croke, D-Chicago, in her bid for Illinois comptroller, the state’s chief financial officer.
That decision sparked conflict between Illinois House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch and Senate President Don Harmon, who backed different candidates.
In the race for U.S. senate however, the party declined to endorse. It’s the first open Senate election in the state since 2010.
“I think the party made the correct decision in making no endorsement in the U.S. Senate race,” Harmon told Capitol News Illinois. “It’s a marquee race with terrific candidates and I’m sure the voters will be able to make an informed decision without an endorsement.”

House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch speaks in favor of slating state Rep. Margaret Croke as the Cook County Democratic Party’s choice for comptroller in the 2026 primary at a meeting Friday in Chicago. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew Adams)

But Harmon objected to the party’s endorsement in the comptroller’s race, sparking a protracted closed-door debate.
Ultimately, Croke bested a list of competitors that included state Sen. Karina Villa, a member of Harmon’s caucus in Springfield.
While an endorsement from the Cook County Democrats does not guarantee a win, it is a major step for a campaign in Illinois.
Cook County has about 40% of the state’s population, and its Democratic Party has been a dominant political force for decades. Beyond the potential for turning out votes in the state’s most populous county, an endorsement from the Cook County Democrats can be a litmus test for support from state-level Democrats.
The group of party insiders considering who to endorse includes Welch and Harmon — both from suburban Cook County — and the committee that oversees statewide endorsements is chaired by state Rep. Bob Rita, D-Blue Island.
Additionally, influential Democrats in the General Assembly, like Rep. Kam Buckner, D-Chicago; Sen. Laura Murphy, D-Des Planes, and Sen. Elgie Sims, D-Chicago, were all present for the meeting.
Party backs Croke for comptroller
The race for comptroller, which opened up this week after sitting comptroller Susana Mendoza announced she was not seeking reelection, sparked a clash between several of the state’s most powerful politicians.
Five candidates asked for the party’s backing. Croke, Lake County Treasurer Holly Kim and Villa, D-West Chicago, were the favored candidates going into the meeting. Champaign County Auditor George Danos and former state Sen. Rickey Hendon also presented at the meeting.
Welch photo
Welch spoke at length in favor of Croke during the slating meeting, adding that he was “very happy to support” Croke. Croke is close to Gov. JB Pritzker, having worked in the Department of Commerce and Economic Opportunity and on his first campaign.
Meanwhile, Harmon backed Villa.
During discussions over comptroller candidates, Cook County Board President Toni Preckwinkle also noted she believed it is “really important for this party to support a Latino for statewide office.”
Read more: Comptroller Mendoza won’t run for reelection, opening up statewide office
In a private session and on a very narrow vote, the subcommittee that recommends statewide endorsements backed Croke. Back in the public session, Harmon fought to try and reject the recommendation.
“We have a slate that does not have any representation from the Latino Caucus, no representation from the Asian Caucus, no one from outside the city of Chicago. I think this is the problem,” Harmon said.

Senate President Don Harmon watches during presentations from comptroller candidates at a meeting to decide who the Cook County Democratic Party will support. Harmon said he had concerns about diversity on the ticket and had backed Sen. Karina Villa. The party ultimately slated Croke. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew Adams)

This sparked another closed-door debate after which Croke emerged with the ultimate endorsement, something that “disappointed” Harmon.
“I worry that the party was more divided than evidenced by the final outcome,” he said. “But it’ll be up to the voters.”
No endorsement for U.S. Senate
After Dick Durbin, Illinois’ current senior U.S. senator, announced his retirement, several candidates quickly popped up to replace him at the end of his final term.
The three frontrunners so far are Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton, U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi and U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly.
Read more: Who is contributing to Illinois’ U.S. Senate candidates?
Several other candidates are in the race and three spoke to party insiders Friday: Christopher Swan, Kevin Ryan and Jump Shepherd. Kelly did not appear at Friday’s meeting, instead having an ally speak on her behalf following travel issues after a late night of voting in Washington.
In the end, the Cook County Democrats didn’t endorse any of them, setting up a contentious primary fight between a current statewide office holder, the one-time state party chair and a man who has nearly 10-to-1 funding advantage.
Durbin, meanwhile, plans on mostly staying out of the race. The retiring senator said Friday that there are three good candidates in the race. While he said he hasn’t “ruled out completely” endorsing someone, he probably won’t.
“I’m not likely to endorse in the race,” Durbin said. “I may in some other races but not that one.”
Governor, other endorsements
The governor couldn’t make the meeting due to a family commitment. In his stead, Pritzker’s running mate Christian Mitchell addressed the collection of party insiders. In a brief speech, Mitchell echoed many of Pritzker campaign talking points.

Christian Mitchell, who is Gov. JB Pritzker’s running mate, took pointed questions from Cook County Democrats on Friday during a meeting about slating candidates for the 2026 primary. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew Adams)

But when the floor was opened to questions, Mitchell started taking heat.
Mitchell, who oversaw Pritzker’s cannabis legalization efforts early in the governor’s first term, once tweeted that he was “stunned at the level of ignorance” at a Chicago City Council meeting, something that multiple alderpeople in attendance on Friday took exception to.
“I don’t recall using that term, but if I did, I apologize,” Mitchell said when questioned by Chicago Ald. David Moore.
Mitchell also faced heat from Chicago Ald. Raymond Lopez, who pressed him on the administration’s relationship to the Latino community. Several Chicago alderpeople also interrogated Mitchell over the administration’s plans on Chicagoland transit, Chicago Public Schools and the closure of manufacturing plants on Chicago’s South Side.
But Mitchell did have his fans in the audience, with one committee member noting that Mitchell’s appearance at a fundraiser helped increase donations, something Mitchell said he wanted to replicate.
“I want to go everywhere, I want to be everywhere,” he said.
The party voted to endorse the Pritzker-Mitchell ticket, which faces no serious challengers within the Democratic party.
Attorney General Kwame Raoul, Treasurer Michael Frerichs and Secretary of State Alexi Giannoulias also received endorsements.

Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
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Who is contributing to Illinois’ U.S. Senate candidates?

Who is contributing to Illinois’ U.S. Senate candidates?

Capitol News Illinois

Article Summary

U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi raised the most money in the first quarter of fundraising for the 2026 Illinois Democratic primary for U.S. Senate and has already launched a TV ad.
Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton received money from some of the most politically connected donors in state politics, from Gov. JB Pritzker to lobbyists and owners of Chicago sports teams.
U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly had the lowest fundraising total but has more than $2 million available.
Ten other candidates in both parties have also filed federal campaign committees but did not report substantial contributions.

This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.

TV advertising has already begun in Illinois’ 2026 Democrat primary for U.S. Senate, and new fundraising numbers released Tuesday show the race is shaping up to be expensive.
The quarterly reports submitted to the Federal Elections Commission shed light on how candidates are spending money as well as who is contributing to them. Donations are pouring in for U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly and Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton — the three most high-profile Democrats so far to launch their campaign.
Gov. JB Pritzker has already put his thumb on the scale of the race, endorsing Stratton a day after she launched her campaign in April. But the billionaire governor has a financial stake in the contest as well.
Pritzker contributed $3,500 to Stratton’s primary campaign, and another $3,500 earmarked for the general election. It’s the maximum amount allowed in an election cycle for an individual contribution under federal rules, meaning he can’t contribute anything close to the $300 million he’s dumped into his own campaigns for governor.
Pritzker can still find other avenues to financially support Stratton later, such as through a dark money political action committee he launched in 2023. And he wasn’t the only Pritzker to donate to Stratton. His wife, MK, his two adult children, and his cousins Adam, John, Gigi and Jennifer, all contributed the maximum $7,000. Jennifer Pritzker is a former supporter of President Donald Trump who has more recently supported Democratic candidates.
Kelly vs. Pritzker round 3
The race has also set a third battle between a Pritzker ally and Kelly.
Underlying the contest is Kelly’s past history as chair of the Democratic Party of Illinois. She was elected party chair in 2021 against Pritzker backed candidate and Chicago Ald. Michelle Harris to replace Mike Madigan who bowed out of the job after losing the speakership that year. But the following year, Kelly ended her bid for reelection as party chair after it became clear she would not have enough support to beat State Rep. Lisa Hernandez, D-Cicero, for the leadership role. Hernandez was also backed by Pritzker.
Read more: Democratic Party chair bows out in re-election bid, paving way for state Rep. Lisa Hernandez
Kelly, of Matteson, argued a lot of people on the party’s state central committee “were sad to see me go.”
“The people in the party, they know me, they know the work that I’ve done,” Kelly told Capitol News Illinois last week. “Despite what happened, I’ve still been an effective leader. I’m the only one that’s been an effective leader on every level of government and has delivered on every level.”
Kelly says money isn’t going to decide the race.
“They have a lot of money, but you know what, I’m just using every opportunity to tell my story and I don’t feel like I need the most money in the race to win the race because I feel like I have an excellent story to tell,” Kelly said.
Between her two campaign committees for her U.S. House seat and a new committee for her Senate bid, Kelly raised $565,775 from April 1 through June 30 and has $2 million in her campaign accounts.
Her donors include a lengthy list of corporate political action committees, many local officials in her 2nd Congressional District, and some notable names in Illinois government. They include former state Sen. Jacqueline Collins, Chicago Fire Department Commissioner Annette Nance-Holt and Cook County Clerk Monica Gordon. Gordon also contributed to Stratton’s campaign.
Stratton’s contributions
Stratton’s cash balance of $666,416 is the smallest in the race, as it is her first time running for federal office and first time running for office alone since she was a state representative in 2016. She raised just over $1 million since launching her campaign in late April.
Stratton has pledged not to take any money from corporate political action committees, though Krishnamoorthi and Kelly have received such donations. She returned a contribution from the central Illinois energy company Marquis Energy’s PAC, although accepted contributions from several Marquis family members who hold top leadership positions at the company, according to FEC filings.
The rest of her list of donors is a “who’s who” of Illinois Democrats.
Stratton has touted many endorsements from members of the General Assembly in recent days and 12 have contributed to her campaign. The list also includes many Lake County Democrats, including State’s Attorney Eric Rinehart, Highland Park Mayor Nancy Rotering, and county party chair Lauren Beth Gash.
Stratton also received support from owners of most of the city’s sports teams: Cubs co-owner Laura Ricketts and her wife; White Sox and Bulls owner Jerry Reinsdorf, along with his son and Bulls President Michael Reinsdorf; and Blackhawks CEO Danny Wirtz.
Other donors come from all sectors of state politics, including Sen. Tammy Duckworth, former legislators, high-profile lobbyists and consultants, Pritzker’s top political advisor, business executives, and lawyers at Chicago’s top law firms.
Some donors also hold positions in state government, including Department of Human Rights Director Jim Bennett and the Department of Labor’s top attorney, Deborah Baker.
Stratton has also formed her own political action committee called “Level Up.” Fundraising numbers for the committee have not yet been released as political action committees follow a different reporting schedule than campaigns.
Krishnamoorthi continues strong fundraising
Krishnamoorthi, of Schaumburg, has been one of the most prolific fundraisers in Congress, reporting millions of dollars in contributions every quarter. His first months running for Senate were no different.
Krishnamoorthi raised just shy of $3 million between his House campaign account and new Senate campaign account. Candidates running for a new federal office are generally allowed to transfer funds from their old campaign to their new campaign. In total, Krishnamoorthi has $21 million on hand.
“I’m just blessed to have a lot of individual donors throughout Illinois and elsewhere who believe in my mission,” Krishnamoorthi told Capitol News Illinois.
The March 17, 2026, primary is still eight months away, but Krishnamoorthi launched the election cycle’s first TV ad on Tuesday, which cost $500,000 for the first week, according to his campaign. It’s airing in TV markets around the state and on digital platforms.

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The 30-second segment serves as an introduction of Krishnamoorthi, who currently represents the 8th Congressional District in the northwest suburbs. It portrays him as a fighter against “bullies,” which is how he describes Trump.
“When I see underdogs hurt by a rigged system, I fight back … Bullies like Trump can call us names, but you can just call me Raja,” Krishnamoorthi says in the ad, playing off his “just call me Raja” slogan that has been a hallmark of his TV advertisements since he first ran for Congress in 2016.
Most of Krishnamoorthi’s fundraising came from individual donors and less than $200,000 was from political action committees. But unlike his opponents, he had very few donors who are involved in state politics. One of the most notable names contributing to his campaign was Vinai Thummalapally, a former ambassador to Belize.
Other candidates
Six Republicans have filed as candidates with the Federal Elections Commission but did not raise substantial amounts of money. They include Casey Chlebek, a former IT professional who is active in Polish-American civic groups; Douglas Bennett, who ran unsuccessfully in the 10th Congressional District in 2018; Air Force veteran John Goodman; Pamela Denise Long, an occupational therapist and former political commentator for Newsweek; former Illinois International Port District board member Cary Capparelli, and Westchester resident Panagioti Bartzis.
On the Democrat side, four other candidates have filed with the FEC: Kevin Ryan, a Marine veteran and diplomat; Christopher Swann, a program manager for Feeding America; Carmi resident Stan Leavell, and Awisi Bustos, CEO of the Illinois Alliance of Boys and Girls Clubs.
Bustos is daughter-in-law of former U.S. Rep. Cheri Bustos, who represented the 17th Congressional District for 10 years. Cheri Bustos is not supporting Awisi Bustos’ campaign amid an ongoing divorce case, the D.C. insider newsletter Punchbowl reported.

Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
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Trump’s ‘big bill’ takes center stage in Illinois’ U.S. Senate race

Trump’s ‘big bill’ takes center stage in Illinois’ U.S. Senate race

Capitol News Illinois

Article summary

The three Democrats running for Illinois’ open Senate seat voiced concerns about the new domestic policy plan at events around Illinois.
Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton discussed how SNAP cuts will affect Illinois at an event in Chicago.
Rep. Robin Kelly spoke with voters in Peoria about their concerns with federal spending cuts.
Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi met with central Illinois independent pharmacist owners to highlight how spending cuts could hurt health care in rural areas.

This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.

PEORIA – With major future cuts to social service programs now written into law, Democrats seeking Illinois’ open U.S. Senate seat in 2026 are hitting the campaign trail seeking to position themselves among the law’s most vocal opponents.
“We want Illinoisians throughout our state to understand the ripple effects of the Trump administration’s cruelty and be prepared for what’s to come,” Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton said during a panel discussion at the Greater Chicago Food Depository Thursday.
The federal policy bill, dubbed the “One Big, Beautiful Bill,” signed by President Donald Trump on July 4 will slash federal spending for health care and other human service programs over the next several years, in many cases leaving states to pick up the tab if they are to continue providing benefits. The bill is expected to cost Illinois more than $700 million for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, cut Medicaid spending in Illinois by $48 billion over the next 10 years, and potentially force some rural hospitals to close.
As Illinois’ 2026 candidates prepare to begin circulating nominating petitions next month, the three Democrats vying for retiring Sen. Dick Durbin’s Senate seat met with residents around the state to hear about the local impacts of the bill and rally support for their campaigns.
Stratton held an official state event in Chicago to discuss the Pritzker administration’s response to SNAP changes, while U.S. Reps. Robin Kelly and Raja Krishnamoorthi visited downstate communities to discuss the bill.
Kelly gets feedback in Peoria
Kelly, who represents the state’s 2nd Congressional District across parts of Chicago, the south suburbs and rural eastern Illinois, visited with voters in Peoria to hear their concerns about the bill.
The Bradly University graduate said her goal is to make sure Americans are aware of the bill’s effects – even though many of them are slated to begin after the 2026 midterm election.

U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly speaks to voters at an event at the Peoria Public Library on Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Ben Szalinski)

“In polling and different things that we’ve done, half of the population doesn’t even realize what’s going on,” Kelly said.
Kelly played up her relationship with U.S. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, saying she has been part of a coalition of House Democrats that have been traveling the country holding town hall meetings about federal spending cuts.
“Every group that we can speak in front of, we need to speak in front of,” Kelly said. “And so that’s one of the reason’s we’re traveling.”
Krishnamoorthi visits rural pharmacy
Krishnamoorthi, who represents the 8th Congressional District in the northwest suburbs, visited a pharmacy in Petersburg about 30 minutes northwest of Springfield.
He echoed concerns other Illinois Democrats have expressed about the “large, lousy law” cutting Medicaid and that it could limit health care services in rural communities.
Read more: Illinois hospitals fear massive cuts under Trump domestic policy law
“When you have that many people who all of a sudden don’t have a way of paying for their health care, then it hurts all those rural health care providers that depend on Medicaid as a form of payment for so many of their patients,” Krishnamoorthi said.
Krishnamoorthi also worried about domino effects from growing deficits as a result of the bill, which the Congressional Budget Office estimates will increase by more than $3 trillion. According to the nonpartisan health research organization KFF, the growing deficit could trigger automatic spending cuts, which could force Medicare cuts even though it was not reduced in the bill.
“We’re also talking about seniors who could be affected by Medicare cuts,” Krishnamoorthi said. “And so at the end of the day, however, everybody’s going to be affected because if, God forbid, one of these hospitals in these areas in the rural parts of Illinois are closed, then everyone, regardless of how their health care is paid for, would be affected negatively.”
SNAP cuts worry candidates
Stratton did not hit the campaign trail with any public events this week, but the Pritzker administration must now decide how it will proceed with new spending requirements signed by the president and the effects of fewer residents receiving social service benefits.

Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton speaks at a panel discussion on SNAP benefits at the Greater Chicago Food Depository in Chicago on Thursday, July 10, 2025. (Screenshot from Illinois.gov live feed)

Stratton and other top Pritzker administration officials discussed the impact of cuts to the SNAP program during a panel discussion at the Greater Chicago Food Depository as the state seeks more immediate solutions that lawmakers could approve before the 2026 election. The lieutenant governor, who resides on Chicago’s South Side, said reducing eligibility for a food program exacerbates other issues such as crime, economic productivity and learning in schools.
“Hunger is not a problem that stays isolated,” Stratton said. “The repercussions seep out, harming everyone and everything in its path until something changes.”
Kelly told voters in Peoria that SNAP cuts aren’t just a problem for low-income recipients.
“If you cannot buy food, then you’re not shopping at Kroger or wherever you shop,” Kelly said. “And so then Kroger is not buying as much food from the farmers and then they won’t need as many people to work there.”
The Republican field in the Senate race has yet to take shape. Republican Rep. Darin LaHood from the Peoria area held a virtual townhall with 16th Congressional District voters to discuss why he believes the bill will benefit Illinois.

Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
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Pritzker warns 330,000 Illinoisans could lose Medicaid under Trump’s budget plan

Pritzker warns 330,000 Illinoisans could lose Medicaid under Trump’s budget plan

Capitol News Illinois

Article Summary

The U.S. House gave final passage Thursday to a bill that will cut federal Medicaid spending in Illinois by an estimated 20%, or $48 billion, over 10 years.
Medicaid pays for about 40% of all childbirths in Illinois as well as 69% of all nursing home care, according to an independent analysis.
State officials estimate 330,000 Illinoisans could lose Medicaid coverage if President Donald Trump signs the bill into law.
The Illinois Department of Public Health said nine rural hospitals in Illinois would face closure or severe service reductions due to the cuts.

This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.

SPRINGFIELD — The U.S. House gave final passage Thursday to a budget bill that will cut federal Medicaid spending by an estimated $1 trillion over 10 years.
All three Republican members of the Illinois congressional delegation voted in favor of the bill, despite a last-minute plea from Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker who warned the bill will result more than 330,000 Illinoisans losing Medicaid coverage and have a devastating effect on some rural hospitals.
“As those who are entrusted with protecting the health of all your constituents, I urge you to oppose these harmful Medicaid provisions and work to protect healthcare access for rural Illinois families, workers, and veterans,” Pritzker wrote in the letter addressed to GOP Reps. Mike Bost, Darin LaHood and Mary Miller.
The cuts would translate to about $48 billion in Illinois over that period, or about 20% of what the state would otherwise receive, according to an analysis by KFF, a nonpartisan health policy research organization.
That would be one of the largest percentage reductions in any state in the nation, according to KFF, a nonpartisan health policy research organization formerly known as the Kaiser Family Foundation. Louisiana and Virginia would each see cuts of about 21%, KFF said.
The state-level analysis is based largely on Congressional Budget Office estimates showing the bill would reduce federal Medicaid spending by $1 trillion nationwide over the next decade.
The KFF analysis does not include estimates of the number of people who would lose Medicaid coverage under the bill, noting how that will depend on how individual states respond to the policy changes contained in the bill. But overall, it estimates the number of uninsured Americans will grow by 11.8 million.
The bill, which includes many of President Donald Trump’s domestic policy priorities – including tax cuts and increased spending on border security – passed the Senate on Tuesday by a vote of 51-50, with Vice President J.D. Vance casting the tie-breaking vote. Both senators from Illinois, Democrats Dick Durbin and Tammy Duckworth, voted no.
The final vote in the House was 218-214.
“The One Big, Beautiful Bill is a once-in-a-generation victory for the American people,” Miller said in a statement after the House vote. “It delivers on President Trump’s America First agenda with bold, decisive, and immediate action. This is the most pro-worker, pro-family, pro-America legislation I have voted for during my time in Congress, and I was proud to help get it across the finish line for the hardworking Americans across my district.”
Medicaid and the health care marketplace
Medicaid, which is jointly funded by states and the federal government, provides health coverage for lower-income individuals and families. It was established in 1965 alongside Medicare, the federally funded health coverage program for people over 65.
Today, according to the Illinois Department of Healthcare and Family Services, the program covers about 3.4 million people in Illinois, or a fourth of the state’s population. At a total cost of $33.7 billion a year, it is one of the largest single categories of expenditures in the state’s budget. It pays for about 40% of all childbirths in the state, according to KFF, as well as 69% of all nursing home care.
But questions about its future loomed over the Illinois General Assembly during the just-completed legislative session as both Congress and the General Assembly were crafting their respective budgets for their upcoming fiscal years.
“This was a difficult year because of the unprecedented changes and cuts that are looming on the horizon in Washington,” state Rep. Anna Moeller, D-Elgin, said on the floor of the Illinois House during debate over a Medicaid bill on the final day of the session.
Read more: Amid uncertainty in Washington, Illinois lawmakers pass slimmed-down Medicaid package
Speaking with reporters at an unrelated event Tuesday, Pritzker predicted “hundreds of thousands” of people in Illinois will lose Medicaid coverage if the Senate bill is signed into law.
“This is shameful, if you ask me, and it’s going to be very hard to recover,” Pritzker said. “The state of Illinois can’t cover the cost – no state in the country can cover the cost of reinstating that health insurance that is today paid for mostly by the federal government, partly by state government.”
Policy changes under the bill
According to KFF, most of the reductions in Medicaid spending would result from just a few policy changes contained in the bill
Those include imposing a work requirement on adults enrolled in Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act, also known as “Obamacare.” That law expanded eligibility for Medicaid to working-age adults with incomes up to 138% of the federal poverty level. About 772,000 people in Illinois are enrolled under that program.
The bill also calls for requiring people enrolled through the ACA expansion to verify their continued eligibility for Medicaid twice a year instead of annually. That is expected to filter out enrollees whose incomes rise above the eligibility limit as well as those who simply fail to complete the verification process.
Another provision would limit the ability of states to finance their share of the cost of Medicaid by levying taxes on health care providers. Illinois imposes such taxes on hospitals, nursing facilities and managed care organizations that administer the program. Revenue from those taxes is used to draw down federal matching funds that are then used to fund higher reimbursement rates to health care providers.
The final version of the bill does not, however, include a provision penalizing states like Illinois that also provide state-funded health care to noncitizens who do not have lawful status to be in the United States. That provision, which was included in the earlier House version, was not included in the Senate bill, according to KFF.

Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
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Wasted waters: How Southern Illinois is coping with decades of sewage flooding

Wasted waters: How Southern Illinois is coping with decades of sewage flooding

Capitol News Illinois

by Janelle O’Dea for the Illinois Answers Project
CAHOKIA HEIGHTS — Arianna Norris, 63, paid cash for her home in Cahokia Heights. For as long as she’s lived there, during intense rainstorms, water surrounds her property and last year her basement started flooding.
Norris was around four years ago when residents in Alorton, Cahokia, and Centreville voted for the merger that created Cahokia Heights and disbanded the Commonfields of Cahokia Public Water District. The merger was an effort to address the sewage overflows that have plagued the area for decades, thanks to leaky pipes and broken equipment in the aging system that allow raw sewage to escape, flooding homes, streets and businesses.
But given her experience with months-long floods last summer, Norris is skeptical that the city’s sewer system will ever be fixed, even with the merger’s promise— that combining the three cities would give Cahokia Heights a larger population and a shot at multi-million dollar federal grants for repairs.
She knows the city has applied for grants, received some of them, and completed some work. She sees crews making repairs, but she also still experiences flooding.

Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project

“They might as well have just taken a match to it,” Norris said, of the grant money “I know they spent it, but I don’t know where.”
Like other smaller communities, the city’s still relatively small tax base and fewer resources hinder its ability to pay for the kind of multimillion dollar projects that could resolve overflows.
It is among five dozen communities in Southern Illinois and the Metro East that account for a third of sanitary sewer overflows reported to the state of Illinois within the last decade, according to data from the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency. Unless authorized by a permit, sewer overflows into U.S. waters are violations of the U.S. Clean Water Act, which the Illinois EPA enforces.

Explainer: What is a sanitary sewer overflow?
Sanitary sewer overflows, SSOs, are a release of untreated or partially treated waste from a city sewer. Sanitary sewer overflows are illegal. But when normal systems become overloaded through heavy rain or a larger load from an increasing population, SSOs occur. When they occur, they must be reported to the Illinois EPA. SSOs can be caused by blockages, line breaks, sewer defects, power failures, improper sewer design, vandalism, or groundwater overloading the system, as is often the case during heavy rainfall. Learn more.

Cahokia Heights tried the 2021 merger and applications for numerous grants to remedy the problem with mixed results. Other communities with overflow issues have tried approaches like selling parts of their sewer systems.
Yet for Norris and others in Southern Illinois, the overflows persist.
While these residents wait for relief they continue to endure property damage, fear and distrust of the drinking water and damaging health impacts.
Surrounded by sewer water
As of 2020 when an engineering report on sewer repairs was completed, Cahokia Heights needed to repair or replace at least 800 feet of sewer pipes, six sections of water main, 19 fire hydrants, eight lift stations, and more than 50 pump stations according to grant applications submitted the following year.
The estimated cost: more than $24 million.

This map shows where various repairs are needed throughout Cahokia Heights’ sewer system. (Cori Lin/Onibaba Studios for Illinois Answers Project)

A third of the majority-Black population of Cahokia Heights lives below the poverty line. The community’s median household income is $37,975 — less than half of the state’s median. As of publication, Illinois Answers had not received a requested copy of the city’s most recent budget.
Poorer areas and communities of color often face the greatest risk when it comes to sewage backups, flooding, and access to clean drinking water. Decades of infrastructure disinvestment and neglect can exacerbate problems with old sewer systems, and expensive home repairs from flooding damage or cleanup are tough to make on a limited income.
Two out of the three former cities that make up present-day Cahokia Heights had wastewater collection and transport systems built in the 1980s that have been poorly maintained, according to the Illinois EPA. The newly merged city sits in the Mississippi River floodplain, located about 30 minutes east of St. Louis.

Water rises in the streets outside Patricia Greenwood’s house in the Piat Place neighborhood. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

Between 2014 and 2024, the city accounted for a quarter of all sanitary sewer overflow reports submitted to the Illinois EPA by permittees not regulated by the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System program, according to data obtained from the agency. Those with NPDES permits are allowed to discharge into waterways so long as contaminants are below a certain level.
But a lag in enforcing SSO reporting from more rural communities until recent years may contribute to the issue.
“Historically any time a new requirement comes down the pipeline, it seems like larger communities are the first ones tested for compliance,” said Cody Moake, chief of staff to the Marion mayor.
The sewer system in Cahokia Heights as a whole is still broken and the overflows happen despite repairs. Attorneys with Equity Legal Services, who represent citizens of Cahokia Heights in multiple lawsuits, said residents report that repairs are made but fail within weeks or months.

Other repairs made flooding worse in some residents’ yards and houses.
Last summer during a storm, Norris’ house was surrounded by water for six weeks, and another resident was without hot water for over two weeks after the flood destroyed her hot water tank, according to the complaint filed by attorneys. Within a week, St. Clair County, where Cahokia Heights is located, was declared a disaster zone by the U.S. government.
Solution: A merger to secure more funds
Since the 2021 merger, more than $35 million in grants have been awarded to Cahokia Heights, according to Illinois EPA data. The data indicates an estimated $200 million would be needed for flood mitigation and to repair or replace sanitary sewer and drinking water systems.
The agency aggregates this data from multiple sources, and a disclaimer attached to the data states that there is “no assumed review of accuracy or completeness by EPA.”
Almost $12 million in awarded grants comes from federal agencies including the federal Environmental Protection Agency, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, funds earmarked by U.S. Senators Dick Durbin and Tammy Duckworth and from the American Rescue Plan Act.
But securing the funds is only part of the battle.
To use these funds, Cahokia Heights has to apply to the various agencies that control the money for approval on how it’s spent.
When applying for a grant, cities have to provide information about how the money will be spent and preparing those plans isn’t cheap. For example, preliminary engineering on two parts of the sewer system over the last two years cost the city more than $400,000, according to invoices from Hurst-Roche, a Hillsboro-based engineering firm.

The ditch surrounding William McNeal’s house flows with smelly water every time there is significant rain. The overflows by McNeal’s house made up more than a third of the 107 sanitary sewer overflows in Cahokia Heights. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

In Johnston City, about two hours south of Cahokia Heights, officials secured a $68,000 grant from the Delta Regional Authority to map out the sewer system in anticipation of applying for a larger grant, Mayor Doug Dobbins said. The DRA is a federal-state collaboration established 25 years ago to invest in basic public infrastructure in eight states along the Mississippi River.
Dobbins said getting the grant would have been impossible without help from a pro bono grant writer.
An overflow complaint from Johnston City was reported to the Illinois EPA in November of last year citing “dead fish, black water” and “a foul odor.” When EPA staff investigated, they didn’t find dead fish, but noted in a report that repairs were needed to prevent future basement backups. In response to a records request, the Illinois EPA found no Johnston City sewer overflow reports from the last five years.
Dobbins said the November break was an equipment malfunction and “could happen with an old or a new valve.” The break came about a week after record rainfall once again hit the region.
Prior to the overflow, Dobbins said, city staff were developing a replacement plan for the city’s wastewater treatment plant, which began providing service in the early 1980s with an estimated 25-year lifespan. It’s nearly 50 years old.
Keeping an older plant running can cost cities money, too, he said — when equipment would break, sometimes they’d find that the parts needed were no longer made, and they had to pay for a custom fabrication.
Without the no-cost grant writer, Dobbins said he doesn’t think the city would be considered for most grants.
“What takes [a grant writer] three hours would take us three weeks,” Dobbins said. He’s still unsure if the entire plant needs replacing, or just parts of it, but he anticipates a request from state officials in the near future for a plan.
Even if the preparation to make repairs gets done, a small tax base means some funding is out of reach. Grants can require a 50/50 split, meaning a municipality has to pay for half of the project and the agency providing the grant pays for the other half.
“And there’s no doubt in my mind that this project starts with an ‘M,’” he said, referring to the millions he thinks it’ll take to repair or replace the wastewater plant in Johnston City.
“We’re a retirement community,” Dobbins said. “We can’t afford that.”
In Carterville, about two hours south of Cahokia Heights, Mayor Bradley Robinson said the city has spent $1 million just on engineering for the city’s proposed new wastewater treatment plant.
State and federal intervention has had little effect.

Related local coverage of Cahokia Heights’ sewer overflows
Timeline of Belleville News-Democrat coverage, Jan. 16, 2023 — Staff at the Belleville News-Democrat have covered developments in the Cahokia Heights story for years. Here’s a timeline of their coverage through 2022.
Only a fraction of the money sought for Cahokia Heights projects has been spent. Why? May 30, 2024 — The Belleville News-Democrat follows the money and asks questions about why it’s taking a while for the city to receive and spend the money it’s been awarded in multiple grants.
How aging water systems are pushing sewage into U.S. homes Oct. 25, 2024 — The nonprofit organization Science Friday features Cahokia Heights and explores how aging infrastructure can result in sewage backups and flooding.
Plan calls for $30 million in Cahokia Heights sewer repairs. Residents say it’s not enough Dec. 10, 2024 — After authorities announced the proposed settlement agreement for the sewage and flooding issues in Cahokia Heights, residents expressed their misgivings about it.

In December, five years after the sewage overflows and severe flooding began getting widespread attention in the press, the Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul joined a lawsuit, along with the U.S. Department of Justice and the state and federal environmental protection agencies on behalf of Cahokia Heights residents.
As a part of the enforcement, the agencies filed a consent decree that, according to a release from Raoul’s office, “requires Cahokia Heights to pay a $30,000 civil penalty and invest approximately $30 million in extensive sewer improvement projects, conduct system-wide repairs and ensure the community is updated with its progress on upgrades.”
But “the 15 years doesn’t even include [a requirement for] the system being fully functional,” said Nicole Nelson, an attorney for Equity Legal Services, which represents Cahokia Heights residents in a separate lawsuit.

A sign by William McNeal’s house warns that there is a sanitary sewer overflow and warns residents of potential health risks if exposed to the contaminated water. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

The decree also provides a caveat: If Cahokia Heights “demonstrates that an SSO would not have occurred but for the conditions in the City of East St. Louis sewer system,” the city won’t be obligated to fix the source of the overflow. The two cities’ systems are connected.
In overflow reports from East St. Louis, none blamed Cahokia Heights, but in the last 10 years, eight Cahokia Heights reports cited the East St. Louis system as the cause. A wastewater treatment plant in the nearby village of Sauget also cites East St. Louis in reports as a contributor to overflows there.
Precipitation and equipment failures were cited as causes of overflows in East St. Louis.
But Dawayne Stewart, assistant finance director for East St. Louis, said “there’s never been a comprehensive study” of where sewer problems are located in the city. On April 10, the East St. Louis City Council considered an agreement with an engineering group to complete a sewer study, but it died without any votes.
“We’re still having a ton of problems,” Stewart said. In June, the Illinois Department of Natural Resources announced a $2.6 million plan to buy out flood-damaged properties in East St. Louis citing “stronger and more frequent storms.” In December, state and federal authorities filed suit against overflows in the city of East St. Louis.
Robert Betts, city manager of East St. Louis, declined to comment, but said the “proper functioning of the sanitary and storm water sewer system is of paramount importance.

The ditch surrounding William McNeal’s house flows with smelly water every time there is significant rain. The overflows by McNeal’s house made up more than a third of the 107 sanitary sewer overflows in Cahokia Heights. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

Meanwhile, with slashes to federal funding targeting environmental projects, federal support for these fixes is at risk.
The main sources of funding for drinking water and wastewater infrastructure are the U.S. EPA, the Department of Agriculture and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development through programs like the Safe Drinking Water and Clean Water state revolving funds. The Associated General Contractors of America, a construction association, calls these federal funds “highly successful but chronically underfunded.”
U.S. Representative Nikki Budzinski, whose district includes Cahokia Heights, is worried after she said she learned that the Trump administration had plans to cut staff from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, potentially including those who manage natural disaster response.
In April, Budzinski visited Granite City, about 20 minutes north of Cahokia Heights, to meet with residents and criticized Republicans for federal cuts. The cut funding included over $1 million for part of the project in Cahokia Heights. The city’s engineer said the cut funding would have gone toward separating the Cahokia Heights and East St. Louis systems — they will now have to start the appropriations process again.
In early June, the Illinois EPA announced nearly $10 million in combined grant programs for sewer overflows and watershed management. This comes months after the Illinois Answers Project began requesting records and asking the agency about sanitary sewer overflows.
The state of Illinois also provides funding for sewer infrastructure projects through community development block grants and other grant programs, like the unsewered communities planning grant program announced by the Illinois EPA at the end of last year.
Solution: Fix the Harding Ditch
Despite the consent decree mandating system-wide repairs, a lawyer for Cahokia Heights has attributed the city’s sewage problem to homeowner mismanagement in past court filings.
But an Illinois Answers review of the Illinois EPA overflow reports found only a sixth of the reports made by the city attribute overflows to equipment failures, from line breaks to pumps failing. Three quarters of the reports cite heavy rain or snow melt — or stormwater — as causes.
Stormwater and lack of maintenance of the infrastructure meant to contain it — such as canals or ditches designed to prevent flooding by allowing surface water to drain into them — adds to the overflow problem.

The ditch surrounding William McNeal’s house flows with smelly water every time there is significant rain. The overflows by McNeal’s house made up more than a third of the 107 sanitary sewer overflows in Cahokia Heights. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

In Cahokia Heights, stormwater eventually flows to several larger ditches, including the Harding Ditch, an 11-mile-long drainage ditch that runs through several Metro East communities. Two years ago, the mayors of Cahokia Heights and East St. Louis said solving the flooding problems would be tough without remediating the Harding Ditch.
The Harding Ditch is maintained by the Metro East Sanitary District, and is the “primary drainage path” for the southern part of the Metro East levee system, with multiple tributaries that empty into the ditch, according to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.
“The ditch network is supposed to channel water from the ditches into the levee system,” said Kalila Jackson, one of the Equity Legal Services attorneys. “But because the ditches are not clean, they’re not dredged, they’re not properly maintained. They’re dammed up.”
Fixing the stormwater issues will cost millions, according to lawsuit documents. Patricia Greenwood, 75, has lived her entire life in her home in the Piat Place neighborhood. In that neighborhood alone, the current estimate is $12 million or more.

Patricia Greenwood, 75, has lived in the Piat Place neighborhood in Cahokia Heights her whole life. It is currently estimated to cost $12 million or more to fix stormwater issues in Greenwood’s neighborhood. (Kyle Pyatt for the Illinois Answers Project)

“Yet the city has only applied for two grants to address the stormwater infrastructure across all neighborhoods, one of which was rejected and the other still pending,” according to court filings.
Fixing the Harding Ditch alone could cost hundreds of millions of dollars and take longer than a decade, according to local engineering firms.
At a November MESD board meeting, Tom Schooley, the attorney representing the board, said “By being proactive and cleaning the Harding Ditch, it helps our position in the litigation,” referring to the suit brought by Centreville Citizens for Change against the city of Cahokia Heights and MESD.
In the same meeting, Schooley announced the closing of a $8.4 million deal with Illinois American Water which provided MESD with funding to begin work on the Harding Ditch.
The deal transferred the responsibilities for two MESD-run sewer systems to Illinois American Water, a private water company that has increased its sewer footprint in the Metro East in recent years. MESD no longer owns or operates any sewer systems.
It would have cost too much to fix the systems, said former board president Scott Oney. The board tried to apply for a grant to do so several years ago, but if the grant had been secured, it would have meant an increase on customers’ bills, Oney said. The board decided the best course of action, then, was to sell the two systems to Illinois American Water.
Solution: Selling to Private Water
When repairing and replacing old systems to prevent sewer overflows becomes too expensive, they can become business opportunities for private water companies like Illinois American Water.
Such companies benefit when there is less federal funding for water systems, said Bryan McDaniel, executive director of the Citizens Utility Board, a consumer rights advocacy group. When systems are in disrepair, they are more likely to be sold to private companies.
In 2013, Illinois passed a law allowing private water companies to purchase public water systems and pass costs on to consumers. An amendment to the law in 2018 extended it for another decade and also removed a limit on the size of water systems that private companies can buy, according to the Chicago Tribune.
Illinois American Water has pledged that it can and does make repairs and investments that “would not be feasible for a single community to take care of on its own,” according to an email from company spokesman Terry Mackin. In two systems purchased by the company since 2019, hourslong sanitary sewer overflows were reported years after the purchases were completed.
In Cahokia Heights, Illinois American Water doesn’t own any of the sewage system, but the company owns about 20% of the drinking water system in former Alorton and Centreville, which it owned prior to the city merger.
Illinois American Water raised rates twice, in 2023 and this year, on customers in Cahokia Heights. In the first increase, bills rose by almost $7 per month, and in the latest hike, bills increased by $15 per month. Both were attributed to “infrastructure projects statewide,” according to an email from Illinois American Water spokesman Terry Mackin.
Since 2010, the company put $10 million into the portion of Cahokia Heights’ drinking water system that it owns, Mackin’s email said, and another $139 million in “replacements and updates” at the regional East St. Louis water treatment plant, which provides drinking water to Cahokia Heights and other Metro East communities.
The remaining 80% of the drinking water system there is owned by Cahokia Heights, Mackin confirmed. The city purchases water wholesale from Illinois American Water, and owns and operates the water distribution and delivery system, including customer service and all infrastructure.
Illinois American Water announced two years ago that it met requirements of a U.S. EPA order to improve drinking water safety in Cahokia Heights. It applies only to the part of the system the company owns.
“Our actions showed that the issues in Cahokia Heights are about wastewater and flooding and not drinking water service from Illinois American Water,” Mackin’s email said.
Still, William McNeal, 73, a Cahokia Heights resident and a customer of the company, said he doesn’t trust the water that comes out of his faucet. Greenwood, also an Illinois American Water customer, doesn’t trust hers, either. They both use bottled water. In the email, Mackin wrote that the company works with customers “individually and directly” when they’re contacted regarding water quality issues.

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Using bottled water is a “consumer’s decision,” he wrote, and “for Illinois American Water customers, it is not necessary for health and/or safety reasons.”
“Heavy rain in recent years in the River Bend has presented challenges in wastewater overflows,” Mackin wrote. “Community wastewater systems, in general, are not built to handle the high volume of rain in recent years in this area.” Mackin also wrote that the company has invested approximately $58 million in Alton since acquisition and $10.8 million in Jerseyville, the two systems that had hourslong overflows after the company purchased them.
“It takes time to analyze, review, design, build and implement improvements,” Mackin wrote.
Solution: Generating funds locally by raising the bills
In Murphysboro and Marion, located about two hours south of Cahokia Heights, where locally generated funds are having some impact, former city officials put service fees on wastewater bills years ago in anticipation of future repairs.
“We only have sanitary sewer overflows when we have an extremely heavy downpour,” said Will Stephens, Murphysboro mayor since 2013. The city of 7,000 is about ten minutes west of Carbondale.
Stephens credits the former Murphysboro mayor for putting a $10 assessment on water bills in the late 2000s to prepare for future infrastructure needs. That money effectively helped finance a loan through the Illinois EPA to build a new wastewater treatment plant completed almost a decade ago.
Within the last few years, Murphysboro also began replacing sewer lines using cured-in-place pipe, he said, and the city financed that work with ARPA funds. This method of pipe repair inserts new material into the pipe to replicate its shape, where it hardens in place.
In Marion, sewer lines were replaced with the same cured-in-place method, Moake said. Those repairs, plus drier weather, have helped bring the number of sewer overflows reported to the Illinois EPA down in Marion from more than 100 three years ago to 24 last year.

Construction on Marion’s sewer lines (provided by Cody Moake)

Marion is financing the repairs with a debt-forgiveness loan from the Illinois EPA and there’s been a debt service fee built into customers’ sewer bills, now $12.31, for decades, Moake said.
The median household income in Marion is $57,281 — almost $20,000 more than the median income in Cahokia Heights. Greenwood showed Illinois Answers copies of three bills totaling $100 that she pays each month for water treatment, water service and sewer service.
Even a $10 per month increase would be a hardship.
“We would have to cut some things out at the grocery store, or gas in the car, or going places,” Greenwood said. “That’s extra money.”
Murphysboro residents expressed similar sentiments in 2005 after sewer bills saw a $10 increase.
Yet the overflows persist
While some communities, like Murphysboro, have found promising solutions, residents in Cahokia Heights and other cities in Southern Illinois and the Metro East are trying to find ways to cope while they wait for solutions they fear may never come.
Represented by Equity Legal Services and environmental justice organization EarthJustice, Cahokia Heights residents are embroiled in two separate lawsuits regarding the sewer overflows. The lawsuits were filed in 2020 and 2021 and are separate from the federal and state agencies’ actions against the city.
The Equity Legal Services team provides McNeal, and dozens of other households with multiple cases of bottled water each month. McNeal said he uses it to cook, drink and brush his teeth.
It’s enough water for him, he said. But he just wants to be able to turn on his tap and trust what comes out.
When there’s substantial rainfall, like there was in April, a sewage overflow next to McNeal’s house turns into a smelly river.
It’s a mix of wastewater and stormwater, and McNeal never knows exactly how contaminated the water is; just that somewhere in the flow, there’s raw sewage. The overflow spills out of the pipe and runs alongside his house, bordering his backyard where he tends a small garden of greens.

William McNeal, 73, says he doesn’t trust the water at his home in Cahokia Heights, where a ditch surrounding his house flows with smelly water every time there is significant rain. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

His kids want him to sell the house and move, or leave without selling it, he said, but McNeal’s not planning on doing either.
“I worked for this,” said McNeal, whose home is paid off. He shared the same sentiment with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch five years ago when the situation in Cahokia Heights received a flurry of media coverage. Little has changed since then.
The river that springs up next to his house during pounding rain frustrates him. But the water bills bother him even more.
“The killing part is they steady send you bills, and they said the water was treated and I could drink it,” McNeal said.
McNeal said repairs made near his house earlier this year stopped bathtub and toilet backups. But the pipe in his yard still spews water when it rains.
Authorities acknowledge relief may still be years away. In an update last September on the two remaining lawsuits against Cahokia Heights, lawyers for the U.S. DOJ and the Illinois Attorney General’s Office wrote “due to the long-term nature of sewer infrastructure upgrades, some SSOs [sanitary sewer overflows] will likely continue to occur.”
The federal and state attorneys are not party to the lawsuit but were “willing to aid the court in its understanding of this matter.”
In response to emailed questions from Illinois Answers about enforcement in Cahokia Heights and East St. Louis, Illinois EPA spokeswoman Kim Biggs said because the municipalities are in joint enforcement with the Illinois EPA, U.S. EPA and the DOJ, she could not comment further.
Multiple attempts to reach Cahokia Heights officials were unsuccessful.
The continued overflows with no end in sight are not news to residents who live with them. They wait in their flood-prone homes, anticipating another soggy Illinois wet season.

Patricia Greenwood, 75, has lived in the Piat Place neighborhood in Cahokia Heights her whole life. It is currently estimated to cost $12 million or more to fix stormwater issues in Greenwood’s neighborhood. (Kyle Pyatt for Illinois Answers Project)

At the home of Cornelius Bennett, one of the residents who originally sued the city in 2020, a new backflow preventer, which prevents contaminated water from flowing back into the clean water supply, ended up causing more issues.
“When it rains hard and/or consistently, the top of his backflow preventer pops off due to the pressure of the system and raw sewage sprays everywhere. He keeps bricks on top of the preventer to stem the flow of sewage that escapes,” a November court filing said.
Norris said her basement flooded for the first time last July after a repair was made nearby. Flooding surrounding her home was common during rainstorms.
Norris feels like giving up, some days, though she thought she’d retire peacefully in Cahokia Heights.
She spends her time working part-time at the Cahokia library and pushing for relief from the overflows. Though she’s exhausted, and she didn’t think she’d “have to go back into fighting mode” in retirement, she’s digging her heels in and is determined to stay. Others, she says, may be running out of steam.
Norris has been to several town hall meetings on the water and sewer projects held by city officials over the years. Attendance at the meetings was once robust, she said, but waned as time went on. The meetings were “minimally advertised,” attorneys said, and they did not see much community engagement.
“It is heartbreaking and sometimes it can be almost soul crushing because you feel like you’re up against it,” Norris said. “That’s the worst part is the feeling that nobody cares.”

Methodology: How we reported this story
Illinois Answers examined a decade’s worth (2014-2024) of sewer overflow data and reports obtained from the Illinois EPA. In response to a Freedom of Information Act seeking sanitary sewer overflow data for the time period, two spreadsheets were provided.
Reports are submitted to the agency by governments when an overflow occurs. For some entities — those not permitted under the National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System — Illinois EPA staff enter the data from the reports into a spreadsheet for internal tracking purposes. The reports are entered manually by Illinois EPA staff within one week of receipt, said Illinois EPA spokeswoman Kim Biggs. The internal tracking spreadsheet is not public.
Another spreadsheet represents overflows reported by NPDES permittees. SSO reports from NPDES permitted facilities, which are those that discharge to waters of the U.S., are entered into the U.S. EPA’s Integrated Compliance Information System (ICIS) database. That database is public, and is where the spreadsheet provided to the Illinois Answers Project came from.
The PDF reports submitted by government agencies, including cities, villages, and sewer districts, were obtained through a series of separate Freedom of Information Act requests. The reports were used to corroborate information in the spreadsheets provided by the Illinois EPA and fill in gaps of time where reports of overflows did not appear in the spreadsheet.
For example, years 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019 were missing entirely from one spreadsheet.
“Our staff did do additional checking and unfortunately could not find any spreadsheets with those years for your request,” Biggs said. For localities named in Illinois Answers Project stories, PDF reports were requested for the missing years and manually entered by Illinois Answers Project staff into a copy of the spreadsheet.
The reports are handwritten and provide the authors some latitude to describe conditions. If there are ranges provided — for example, if “8 to 24 hours” is provided for duration of overflow — the lower end, 8, was entered into the spreadsheet.
If “unknown” was entered on the form in a space, that value is shown in the spreadsheet. If it was left blank, it is blank in the spreadsheet. When dates were not correct in the spreadsheet or the report showed a different date, they were corrected with the date shown on the report.
When multiple overflows were reported for the same day, even if the rows of data for each overflow were identical and no PDF reports were returned for those records, the rows were not dropped from the spreadsheet because a permittee can have multiple overflows in different locations in one day. In several of those cases, the date of the overflow was the same, but location of the overflow or other important details — amount discharged, what happened to water discharged — differed.
For records in both spreadsheets:
Some rows in the spreadsheets — each row represents one report — matched the reports provided exactly.
Other rows in the spreadsheet existed but efforts to obtain PDF reports for that overflow record were unsuccessful. For some — including ten reports submitted in Cahokia Heights — reports were returned in a Freedom of Information Act request but corresponding rows were not in the spreadsheet. In that case, rows were added to the spreadsheet for data analysis purposes. Reports with no corresponding rows were found more often for overflows occurring in earlier years, prior to 2020, when cases in Cahokia Heights were filed and began to make news.
The form to submit a Sanitary Sewer Overflow to the Illinois EPA can be found here.

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