Posts by Newspaper Staff
Department of Education continues efforts to dismantle itself
The U.S. Department of Education has taken further steps to dismantle itself since the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in favor of broad layoffs.
The department announced new appointees, who will support the Trump administration’s mission of returning education decisions to the states.
Secretary of Education Linda McMahon explained President Donald Trump was angry and embarrassed over the decline in the quality of education children are receiving.
Around 70% of eighth graders nationally are not proficient in reading and math, McMahon said. “We are doing something clearly wrong in the way we are educating our students.”
She explained Trump wants all children to have access to quality education by ultimately giving greater control over schools to states and parents.
“Let’s have parents be at the center of that because parents are with their children. They know what is best for their child, and they should have the choice to put their children in schools where they can flourish,” McMahon said. “No child should be a prisoner of a failing school.”
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled Monday to allow Trump to move forward with dismantling the U.S. Department of Education with broad layoffs.
This would mean around 1,400 employees would be cut from the department, starting in August.
The Supreme Court’s ruling is temporary, since it granted an emergency application filed by the Trump administration to override a federal judge’s ruling that halted the mass layoffs. The case will continue to be argued before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit before going back to the high court for a full hearing.
The Center Square reached out to the Department of Education for comment on what these broad layoffs would look like, but has not received a response.
“This isn’t just about jobs,” former teacher and Department of Education liaison Dani Pierce told ABC News. “It’s about abandoning the people and programs that protect students’ rights, support educators and ensure equity in schools across the country.”
But McMahon said programs will not be defunded.
Money will be allocated by Congress, the secretary of education said.
“The president has said from day one that dismantling the Department of Education will not mean defunding those programs,” McMahon said. “That money is appropriated by Congress … parents, teachers and kids should not be worried.”
Though many lawmakers have sued the administration over withheld education funding, other education officials said the U.S. Department of Education is useless.
“Shutting down the U.S. Department of Education would not result in a loss of federal formula funding for Arizona,” state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne said. “This is a waste of taxpayer dollars, shows a poor work ethic and sets a bad example to teachers and students who gather in person to learn. Educators should have a passion for academic excellence, but that is not evident at USDoE.”
Pritzker seeks more regulatory authority over homeowners insurance business
Capitol News Illinois
Article Summary
Gov. JB Pritzker is asking lawmakers to pass legislation this fall to give the state more control over the rising cost of homeowners insurance.
State Farm, based in Bloomington, recently announced it is raising premiums by an average of 27.2%, due mainly to the risk of losses from severe weather.
The Consumer Federation of America describes Illinois’ current regulatory environment as “toothless” and ranks the state second in the nation for having the fastest-rising insurance premiums in the country.
This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.
SPRINGFIELD — Gov. JB Pritzker is asking state lawmakers for more authority to regulate the homeowners insurance market in Illinois.
His comments came after the Bloomington-based State Farm Fire and Casualty Company notified the Illinois Department of Insurance that it was raising premiums for residential property casualty insurance in Illinois by an average 27.2%.
In a statement July 10, Pritzker called on lawmakers to pass legislation in the upcoming fall veto session, “that prevents insurance companies from taking advantage of consumers through severe and unnecessary rate hikes like those proposed by State Farm.”
The veto session is scheduled to begin Oct. 14.
“Over the past six years, our state economy has flourished based on transparent markets and fair competition,” Pritzker said. “State Farm’s actions are antithetical to the core principles that the Illinois business community is built on.”
The increase will raise the average cost of a State Farm homeowners’ policy in Illinois to about $2,175 a year, up from $1,700 before the increase, according to State Farm.
The higher rates took effect July 15 for new policies and will go into effect Aug. 15 for renewals of existing policies.
Current regulations
Although Pritzker was not specific about what kind of increased regulatory authority he wants lawmakers to consider, some consumer advocates have called for giving the state Department of Insurance broad authority to review, modify or even reject proposed rate hikes.
Under current state law, companies are required to file their rates with the Department of Insurance, and the agency can review consumer complaints to determine whether the rates being charged are consistent with those filings.
The department also has the authority to conduct examinations to determine whether a company is paying out claims in a timely manner. It can also conduct examinations into a company’s financial condition and solvency.
But currently, according to the agency, Illinois is the only state in the country that does not prohibit rates from being “inadequate, excessive or unfairly discriminatory,” which means it has no authority to reject a rate filing on those grounds.
Douglas Heller, director of insurance for the Washington-based Consumer Federation of America, described Illinois’ law as “among the most toothless in the nation.”
“Almost every state in the country has a law that says for auto, home and most other lines of insurance as well, rates cannot be excessive,” he said in an interview. “Now, it doesn’t mean that the regulators around the country do a great job or even have the tools to enforce that very strictly … but Illinois doesn’t even have the language that prohibits excessive rates for homeowners insurance companies.”
In April, CFA issued a report that said from 2021 to 2024, Illinois ranked second in the nation for having the greatest increases in homeowners insurance premiums. Average premiums in Illinois rose 50% over that period, more than any other state except Utah, where rates went up 59%.
“At a minimum, Illinois should empower the Department of Insurance to reject or modify excessive rate hikes, which would represent a basic consumer protection that residents in almost every other state enjoy,” Abe Scarr, director of the Illinois Public Interest Research Group, said in a statement in response to the report.
Even with those increases, though, the report indicated that rates in Illinois were relatively modest compared to some other states, particularly those that experience more frequent natural disasters. Florida, Louisiana and Oklahoma ranked highest in average premiums.
In recent years, lawmakers have given the Department of Insurance broader authority to regulate premiums in the health insurance market.
Last year, Pritzker signed legislation giving the agency authority to review and reject proposed rate increases in large-group health insurance plans. That law also prohibited companies from engaging in certain “utilization management” practices that steer patients toward cheaper therapies and medications to lower payouts.to lower payouts.
Also last year, Pritzker named a new director of the agency, former state Sen. Ann Gillespie, who had served on the Senate Insurance Committee.
But the agency does not yet have that kind of regulatory authority over property casualty insurance policies for homeowners, renters and condominium owners, a fact that consumer advocates say puts Illinois out of step with the rest of the nation.
Reasons for rate hikes
In his statement, Pritzker accused State Farm of raising rates in Illinois to cover losses the company has suffered in other high-risk states like Florida.
“These increases are predicated on catastrophe loss numbers that are entirely inconsistent with the Illinois Department of Insurance’s own analysis — indicating that State Farm is shifting out-of-state costs onto the homeowners of our state,” he said. “Hard-working Illinoisans should not be paying more to protect beach houses in Florida.”
But State Farm strongly denied that suggestion, saying the increases were directly related to the cost of weather-related disasters in Illinois.
“For example, last year in the state of Illinois alone, we paid out more than $638 million in hail damage claims,” State Farm spokeswoman Gina Morss-Fischer said in an interview. “That was just in Illinois, and it was second only to the state of Texas. And this is the kind of thing that we’ve started to see more frequently.
“And of course, we’re also seeing the increase in replacement costs, longer waits for replacement materials. And these are all things that contribute to the need to make this difficult business decision,” she said.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
The post Pritzker seeks more regulatory authority over homeowners insurance business appeared first on Capitol News Illinois.
Sustainability, community impact concerns shade data center investment
Pennsylvania’s growing data center development offers economic opportunities but also raises tough questions about sustainability and community impact.
As electricity demand surges, and older generation sources are retiring faster than new ones come online, officials are grappling with how to manage grid reliability, infrastructure needs, and local and environmental concerns – while exploring policies that strike a balance between supporting smart growth and protecting consumers.
The issue has industry experts divided with some voicing concerns about family sustaining jobs and environmental impact, and others believing an affordable, safe, and reliable energy future is attainable.
There are 88 data centers across the commonwealth, according to Data Center Maps, and their database does not include private, government, or institutional facilities. Of those listed, 35 are located near Pittsburgh and 31 near Philadelphia.
A growing trend is co-locating data centers with onsite energy generation, thereby producing their own electricity and potentially sending surplus power back to the grid. The Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission, or PUC, is considering making this a requirement, along with covering the cost of infrastructure upgrades, as it develops a model tariff.
Currently, nuclear-powered Amazon Susquehanna campus is the only operational example of this in Pennsylvania, while two others – Homer City Energy Campus (natural gas) and Beaver Valley (nuclear) – are under development.
Co-located generation is nothing new, says Lehigh Valley engineer and IEEE Standards Association member James Daley.
Daley told The Center Square that the demands of large data centers are comparable to major industrial complexes the grid has historically served – like Bethlehem Steel, for example.
Built in the late 1800s, Bethlehem Steel’s furnaces were primarily powered by steam engines fueled by coal. By the 1910s, they began drawing electricity from local utilities, but as demand increased, dedicated substations and new grid connections were added – costs that the company helped cover. To further reduce demand on the public grid, they eventually built on-site power plants.
Co-located generation is one way to resolve energy demand issues while protecting existing ratepayers, Daley said. Other options include serving the facilities from transmission or sub transmission stations, and the use of nuclear power.
Installing on-site Combined Heat and Power, or CHP systems, or combined cycle power plants can also help offset the energy needed for equipment cooling.
“Diligence and oversight of proposed projects require multiple input sources – not the least of which is the PUC,” said Daley.
Rest assured, he added, locating and powering an IT Center poses no different challenge than large-scale projects successfully handled over the past century. “The PUC makes sure rate payers are not unfairly charged for grid alterations that do not benefit them directly.”
The mix of energy sources is crucial to grid reliability, which Daley says needs to be 24/7, “and you can’t do that with renewables.”
According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, or EIA, in 2023, 60% of electricity generated was from fossil fuels – natural gas, coal, and petroleum. Additionally, 19% came from nuclear, and renewable energy sources accounted for approximately 21%.
He noted the lower capacity ratings of renewable energy sources compared to those of fossil fuels, citing figures from the US. Department of Energy.
The capacity rating for nuclear is 92.3%, followed by geothermal (65%), natural gas combined cycle (59.9%), and coal (42.6%). Hydro and wind are rated at around 34%, while solar and natural gas simple cycle are 23.4% and 17.2% respectively.
Daley’s comments are supported by a 2024 report by the North American Electric Reliability Corporation, or NERC, warning that the substitution of intermittent renewable energy for baseload 24/7 power has made the nation’s electric grids less resilient, less secure, and less reliable.
“These centers,” he said, “are a good industry for any town that wants to host them, because they’re excellent tax revenue sources with minimum impact on the community, and can be excellent corporate neighbors.”
Comptroller Mendoza won’t run for reelection, opening up statewide office
Capitol News Illinois
Article Summary
Susana Mendoza will not run for reelection as Illinois comptroller, the state’s chief financial officer. She is rumored to be considering a run for Chicago mayor.
Mendoza held the comptroller’s office during the worst budgetary crisis in state history and through the COVID-19 pandemic.
A key step in how Cook County Democrats choose who to endorse for statewide office is happening this week.
Candidates are expected to announce whether they will run to replace Mendoza in the coming weeks.
This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to reflect the latest information regarding candidates seeking to be slated by Cook County Democrats.
CHICAGO — After almost a decade, Illinois State Comptroller Susana Mendoza will not seek another term as the state’s chief financial officer.
Mendoza, who took office in December 2016 after beating an ally of Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner in a special election, has overseen the state’s financial systems through both the COVID-19 pandemic and the worst budget crisis any state has faced in modern history.
At a news conference Wednesday, Mendoza said she’s not running for reelection in the 2026 comptroller’s race, so she will have time to decide her next career move.
“I’m going to figure out what the right move is for our family, for our city, our state, find out where I’m needed most, that next biggest challenge that I need to take on,” Mendoza said.
Prior to taking statewide office, Mendoza was the first woman to be the Chicago City Clerk. Mendoza previously spent a decade in the Illinois House of Representatives.
It’s been widely speculated that Mendoza, who ran for Chicago mayor in 2019, is eyeing a run to unseat sitting Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson in 2027.
While she didn’t commit to a run, she said she is “leaving the door open.” Several U.S. House seats are up for grabs, along with Illinois’ first open U.S. Senate seat since 2010.
But when asked whether she was interested in a position in Congress, Mendoza laughed.
“No thank you,” she quickly said Thursday, before moving on to questions about a potential mayoral bid.
Comptroller vacancy
The comptroller’s office, traditionally a low-visibility role, became a high-stakes proxy battle between Democratic and Republican power brokers during the budget impasse of the mid-2010s.
Mendoza became the most vocal and high-profile statewide Democratic foil to Republicans at the height of the more than two-year budget impasse between Rauner and Democrats in the General Assembly. After Comptroller Judy Baar Topinka died in 2014, Rauner appointed Leslie Munger to the position. Mendoza beat Munger with 49.5% of the vote in a special election in 2016.
Mendoza gained statewide visibility for her frequent videos assailing Rauner and highlighting that the state was accruing a massive “bill backlog” driven by ongoing court-mandated expenditures amid dwindling revenue brought on by the impasse.
She won reelection in 2018 and 2022, routinely posting the widest margins of any statewide elected official.
No Republican, meanwhile, has won statewide office since Rauner in 2014, and few have come especially close. This puts the focus for replacing Mendoza on the Democratic primary process. The announcement creates an opportunity for a new Democrat to make a run for an open statewide office for the first time since 2018.
Illinois Comptroller Susana Mendoza answers questions from reporter, curious to know if she will run for Chicago mayor in 2027. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew Adams)
Mendoza said she wanted to make the announcement early enough for people interested in replacing her to “make their pitches” to party officials. The Cook County Democratic Party — a powerhouse in statewide party politics — is holding its “slating” meetings this week to decide which candidates the party will endorse.
Rep. Margaret Croke, D-Chicago, is expected to appear at the slating for statewide candidates and make a formal announcement about her 2026 plans next week, according to sources close to the representative.
“With chaos unfolding at the national level, Illinoisans need steady state leadership and deserve a Comptroller who is prepared to lead with transparency, efficiency, and integrity,” Croke said in a statement after Mendoza’s announcement.
Lake County Treasurer Holly Kim is also expected to appear at the Cook County slating meeting, with an announcement about her plans in the coming weeks.
“Susana Mendoza raised the bar for transparency and accountability, and I intend to build on that legacy,” Kim said.
Sen. Karina Villa, D-Chicago, is also scheduled to appear at the slating meeting to discuss a potential comptroller bid. Sen. Javier Cervantes, D-Chicago, was previously on the agenda, although his name was later removed.
Mendoza said she hopes her replacement is committed to serving the entire state, noting that while she is a Chicagoan, she said she has a “very soft spot in my heart for southern Illinois.”
Mayoral ambitions
While Mendoza did not commit to a run for mayor, she did speak at length about the needs of the city.
“Chicago is in dire need of competency, someone who understands the needs of the city, who understands how important the role of the city is to the good functioning of the whole state,” Mendoza said. “And I think we’ve had two very unsuccessful mayors in a row.”
Mendoza stressed public safety and Chicago’s need for a growth-centered economic policy.
“It’s not just our feathered friends that have flown south, it’s the most important bird in Chicago: the crane,” Mendoza said. “You can look at a city and gauge its financial health by the number of cranes that are in the sky. And, right now, you have an unobstructed, picture-perfect view of this city.”
Illinois Comptroller Susana Mendoza announces she will not seek reelection alongside her husband, David Szostak. (Capitol News Illinois photo by Andrew Adams)
If she runs, Mendoza could be joined by several other prominent Illinois politicians in the race for mayor. Illinois Secretary of State Alexi Giannoulias is also rumored to be considering a run.
Mendoza made her announcement at Los Comales, a restaurant in Chicago’s Little Village neighborhood that specializes in Mexico City-style tacos. Christina Gonzalez, the co-owner of the Los Comales chain and daughter of its founder, noted that Mendoza was from the neighborhood.
“She was always a customer here,” Gonzalez said. “Her parents brought her here and she knew my dad — my dad loved her.”
It’s the same restaurant where she announced her first run for state representative more than 20 years ago and her ill-fated mayoral bid in 2019.
Gonzalez said the restaurant, which was mostly empty aside from Mendoza’s supporters and reporters, has faced a significant slowdown in business recently, thanks to rumors about immigration enforcement.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
The post Comptroller Mendoza won’t run for reelection, opening up statewide office appeared first on Capitol News Illinois.
Who is contributing to Illinois’ U.S. Senate candidates?
Capitol News Illinois
Article Summary
U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi raised the most money in the first quarter of fundraising for the 2026 Illinois Democratic primary for U.S. Senate and has already launched a TV ad.
Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton received money from some of the most politically connected donors in state politics, from Gov. JB Pritzker to lobbyists and owners of Chicago sports teams.
U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly had the lowest fundraising total but has more than $2 million available.
Ten other candidates in both parties have also filed federal campaign committees but did not report substantial contributions.
This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.
TV advertising has already begun in Illinois’ 2026 Democrat primary for U.S. Senate, and new fundraising numbers released Tuesday show the race is shaping up to be expensive.
The quarterly reports submitted to the Federal Elections Commission shed light on how candidates are spending money as well as who is contributing to them. Donations are pouring in for U.S. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi, U.S. Rep. Robin Kelly and Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton — the three most high-profile Democrats so far to launch their campaign.
Gov. JB Pritzker has already put his thumb on the scale of the race, endorsing Stratton a day after she launched her campaign in April. But the billionaire governor has a financial stake in the contest as well.
Pritzker contributed $3,500 to Stratton’s primary campaign, and another $3,500 earmarked for the general election. It’s the maximum amount allowed in an election cycle for an individual contribution under federal rules, meaning he can’t contribute anything close to the $300 million he’s dumped into his own campaigns for governor.
Pritzker can still find other avenues to financially support Stratton later, such as through a dark money political action committee he launched in 2023. And he wasn’t the only Pritzker to donate to Stratton. His wife, MK, his two adult children, and his cousins Adam, John, Gigi and Jennifer, all contributed the maximum $7,000. Jennifer Pritzker is a former supporter of President Donald Trump who has more recently supported Democratic candidates.
Kelly vs. Pritzker round 3
The race has also set a third battle between a Pritzker ally and Kelly.
Underlying the contest is Kelly’s past history as chair of the Democratic Party of Illinois. She was elected party chair in 2021 against Pritzker backed candidate and Chicago Ald. Michelle Harris to replace Mike Madigan who bowed out of the job after losing the speakership that year. But the following year, Kelly ended her bid for reelection as party chair after it became clear she would not have enough support to beat State Rep. Lisa Hernandez, D-Cicero, for the leadership role. Hernandez was also backed by Pritzker.
Read more: Democratic Party chair bows out in re-election bid, paving way for state Rep. Lisa Hernandez
Kelly, of Matteson, argued a lot of people on the party’s state central committee “were sad to see me go.”
“The people in the party, they know me, they know the work that I’ve done,” Kelly told Capitol News Illinois last week. “Despite what happened, I’ve still been an effective leader. I’m the only one that’s been an effective leader on every level of government and has delivered on every level.”
Kelly says money isn’t going to decide the race.
“They have a lot of money, but you know what, I’m just using every opportunity to tell my story and I don’t feel like I need the most money in the race to win the race because I feel like I have an excellent story to tell,” Kelly said.
Between her two campaign committees for her U.S. House seat and a new committee for her Senate bid, Kelly raised $565,775 from April 1 through June 30 and has $2 million in her campaign accounts.
Her donors include a lengthy list of corporate political action committees, many local officials in her 2nd Congressional District, and some notable names in Illinois government. They include former state Sen. Jacqueline Collins, Chicago Fire Department Commissioner Annette Nance-Holt and Cook County Clerk Monica Gordon. Gordon also contributed to Stratton’s campaign.
Stratton’s contributions
Stratton’s cash balance of $666,416 is the smallest in the race, as it is her first time running for federal office and first time running for office alone since she was a state representative in 2016. She raised just over $1 million since launching her campaign in late April.
Stratton has pledged not to take any money from corporate political action committees, though Krishnamoorthi and Kelly have received such donations. She returned a contribution from the central Illinois energy company Marquis Energy’s PAC, although accepted contributions from several Marquis family members who hold top leadership positions at the company, according to FEC filings.
The rest of her list of donors is a “who’s who” of Illinois Democrats.
Stratton has touted many endorsements from members of the General Assembly in recent days and 12 have contributed to her campaign. The list also includes many Lake County Democrats, including State’s Attorney Eric Rinehart, Highland Park Mayor Nancy Rotering, and county party chair Lauren Beth Gash.
Stratton also received support from owners of most of the city’s sports teams: Cubs co-owner Laura Ricketts and her wife; White Sox and Bulls owner Jerry Reinsdorf, along with his son and Bulls President Michael Reinsdorf; and Blackhawks CEO Danny Wirtz.
Other donors come from all sectors of state politics, including Sen. Tammy Duckworth, former legislators, high-profile lobbyists and consultants, Pritzker’s top political advisor, business executives, and lawyers at Chicago’s top law firms.
Some donors also hold positions in state government, including Department of Human Rights Director Jim Bennett and the Department of Labor’s top attorney, Deborah Baker.
Stratton has also formed her own political action committee called “Level Up.” Fundraising numbers for the committee have not yet been released as political action committees follow a different reporting schedule than campaigns.
Krishnamoorthi continues strong fundraising
Krishnamoorthi, of Schaumburg, has been one of the most prolific fundraisers in Congress, reporting millions of dollars in contributions every quarter. His first months running for Senate were no different.
Krishnamoorthi raised just shy of $3 million between his House campaign account and new Senate campaign account. Candidates running for a new federal office are generally allowed to transfer funds from their old campaign to their new campaign. In total, Krishnamoorthi has $21 million on hand.
“I’m just blessed to have a lot of individual donors throughout Illinois and elsewhere who believe in my mission,” Krishnamoorthi told Capitol News Illinois.
The March 17, 2026, primary is still eight months away, but Krishnamoorthi launched the election cycle’s first TV ad on Tuesday, which cost $500,000 for the first week, according to his campaign. It’s airing in TV markets around the state and on digital platforms.
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The 30-second segment serves as an introduction of Krishnamoorthi, who currently represents the 8th Congressional District in the northwest suburbs. It portrays him as a fighter against “bullies,” which is how he describes Trump.
“When I see underdogs hurt by a rigged system, I fight back … Bullies like Trump can call us names, but you can just call me Raja,” Krishnamoorthi says in the ad, playing off his “just call me Raja” slogan that has been a hallmark of his TV advertisements since he first ran for Congress in 2016.
Most of Krishnamoorthi’s fundraising came from individual donors and less than $200,000 was from political action committees. But unlike his opponents, he had very few donors who are involved in state politics. One of the most notable names contributing to his campaign was Vinai Thummalapally, a former ambassador to Belize.
Other candidates
Six Republicans have filed as candidates with the Federal Elections Commission but did not raise substantial amounts of money. They include Casey Chlebek, a former IT professional who is active in Polish-American civic groups; Douglas Bennett, who ran unsuccessfully in the 10th Congressional District in 2018; Air Force veteran John Goodman; Pamela Denise Long, an occupational therapist and former political commentator for Newsweek; former Illinois International Port District board member Cary Capparelli, and Westchester resident Panagioti Bartzis.
On the Democrat side, four other candidates have filed with the FEC: Kevin Ryan, a Marine veteran and diplomat; Christopher Swann, a program manager for Feeding America; Carmi resident Stan Leavell, and Awisi Bustos, CEO of the Illinois Alliance of Boys and Girls Clubs.
Bustos is daughter-in-law of former U.S. Rep. Cheri Bustos, who represented the 17th Congressional District for 10 years. Cheri Bustos is not supporting Awisi Bustos’ campaign amid an ongoing divorce case, the D.C. insider newsletter Punchbowl reported.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
The post Who is contributing to Illinois’ U.S. Senate candidates? appeared first on Capitol News Illinois.
Sun won’t shine the same on college players, coaches in North Carolina
On public college campuses in North Carolina, how much the head coach of an athletics team is paid is subject to open records laws.
For players in the new era of pay for play, those contracts will be exempt. Even with taxpayers helping fund them.
No members of the General Assembly disagreed last month, and Democratic Gov. Josh Stein affixed his signature July 2.
That was the day after enactment of a $2.8 billion antitrust settlement authorized last month by a federal judge for NCAA athletes. Known as the House settlement for former Arizona State swimmer Grant House, it allows each NCAA school – there are 350 in Division I, and 1,100 in all three divisions – to pay athletes for use of their name, image and likeness.
The acronym is NIL, and it impacts 200,000 athletes on the Division I level, and about 500,000 throughout the NCAA.
Various Ed Law/Tax Acct/NIL Changes, as House Bill 378 was called, has a number of changes for funds held in education savings and investment accounts. It also exempts “name, image, and likeness contracts from public records requirements.”
So, whereas the contract Carolina signed with eight-time Super Bowl champion coach Bill Belichick is public record, it is unknown how much money was in a pact luring Purdue quarterback Ryan Browne to transfer to Chapel Hill. Given he transferred back to the Big 10 school after spring practice, details of payments tied to availability for scheduled games or for merely being on campus for spring ball are also left for wonder.
Then, too, perhaps it helped Gio Lopez decide after South Alabama’s spring practice to come to Carolina. He went into the transfer portal two days after the Jaguars wrapped up.
Schools in this first year of the settlement can share up to about $20.5 million with the athletes. Regardless of whether it sounds like a lot, football and men’s basketball are likely to get the biggest shares. Theirs are the greater revenue deals for broadcasts.
Consider, the student-newspaper at Duke – private institutions are not bound by the same public records statutes – reported basketball freshman Cooper Flagg was raking in $28 million through a deal inclusive of New Balance, Fanatics and Gatorade among others. He was the No. 1 pick in the NBA Draft three weeks ago, signing a deal with the Dallas Mavericks for $13.8 million his first year that does not include endorsements.
Nine football players are believed to have deals exceeding $3 million for this season, led by Texas quarterback Arch Manning’s reported $6.6 million.
Players have been getting paid since 2021. The rule change then allowed what are called third party, donor-backed collectives; those are still around and used, and the House settlement allows schools to pay directly.
While the House settlement was ballyhooed and expected, in an age of litigation it’s not a safe bet to spread calm across the ocean depths of college athletics. For example, this week, “valid business purpose” has entered the litigation chat via a letter from the new College Sports Commission to athletics directors.
Passage of North Carolina’s law was 42-0 in the Senate and 111-0 in the House of Representatives. In fact, at no point was there a single vote in either chamber against the bill authored by Rep. Ray Pickett, R-Watauga.
And in case that Belichick contract was missed when signed in January, it’s five years in length, each with a $1 million base and $9 million in supplemental. Three years are guaranteed for the 73-year-old who was defensive coordinator for two Super Bowl wins with the New York Giants and head coach for six of them with the New England Patriots.
Not really that close to Flagg.
Intoxicating hemp remains unregulated in Illinois following legislative inaction
Capitol News Illinois
Article Summary
Industrial hemp production was legalized in the U.S. and in Illinois in 2018. The industry was largely expected to produce items like industrial textiles and non-intoxicating CBD products.
Since then, a legal “gray area” has allowed for hemp to be used in the production of unregulated, intoxicating and synthetic THC products.
Stakeholders including the governor say this undercuts the state’s legal cannabis market and puts consumers at risk.
For the past three years, legislation to more strictly regulate the industry has failed in the General Assembly.
The legislative fight largely pits the state’s legalized cannabis industry against its industrial hemp growers.
This summary was written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.
RUSHVILLE, Ill. — Justin and Anna Ward of Stoney Branch Farms were anxiously awaiting action on legislation to regulate intoxicating hemp products this spring in Illinois, which would have determined the future of their family-run hemp business in Rushville. But it never came.
Hemp farming has been legal and regulated in Illinois since 2018, when lawmakers passed the Industrial Hemp Act following federal action that legalized hemp production. The legislation anticipated it would again be used to make industrial products, but also for the production of CBD oils that can be extracted from the plant and are marketed as having therapeutic, but not intoxicating, properties.
But hemp has since become the subject of heated debate in Illinois and other states as the plant has been increasingly used to create synthetic products with intoxicating compounds that are not regulated by the federal government. Those products, known as delta-8 THC, are permissible due to what some describe as a “loophole” in the 2018 Farm Bill that legalized hemp production.
Gov. JB Pritzker has been a vocal opponent of intoxicating hemp, saying it undercuts the state’s legal cannabis industry and puts children and teens in harm’s way. He’s advocated – thus far to no avail – for regulating intoxicating hemp products similarly to the state’s legalized cannabis industry.
“This regulatory gray area has created a loophole that put Illinois consumers of all ages, but particularly children, in danger while an underground market flourished—the exact opposite of what Illinois has done by regulating our cannabis industry,” Pritzker said in a December 2024 news release.
But lawmakers failed again to pass legislation regulating intoxicating hemp this year, leaving the industry in limbo until either the state acts or the federal government intervenes first. It marked the third consecutive year that a regulatory bill failed, the latest front in a legislative fight that largely pits the state’s legalized cannabis industry against its industrial hemp growers.
Stoney Branch Farms co-founder Anna Ward looks at a hemp plants in its late growing stages before it gets harvested, after which it will get processed, packaged and sold directly from the farm. (Isabella Schoonover, Medill Illinois News Bureau)
Hemp vs. cannabis: What’s the difference?
Both hemp and cannabis come from the same plant and contain a level of THC that can cause a high if ingested. The most important difference, however, is in the concentration of THC. Compared to cannabis, hemp has a much lower amount of naturally occurring THC.
By federal law, if a plant has a concentration of 0.3% THC or less by dry weight, it is legally considered hemp. If it has any more than 0.3% THC, it is considered cannabis.
Both substances were strictly regulated as “Schedule 1” drugs under the federal Controlled Substances Act of 1970 until the passage of the 2018 Farm Bill, which removed hemp from the legal definition of cannabis, thus creating a fully legal hemp market.
But the farm bill only established a threshold for delta-9 THC, the primary cannabinoid found in cannabis. There is no explicit threshold for hemp-derived delta-8, which is created through additional chemical processing after hemp is harvested.
Unlike cannabis products containing THC, which must meet strict regulatory requirements in Illinois and other states that have legalized recreational and medical cannabis, the intoxicating hemp market is currently unregulated and lacks oversight at both the state and federal level to ensure products are responsibly produced, marketed and sold to consumers.
For example, there is no minimum age required to purchase hemp products, making it relatively easy for young consumers to access intoxicating hemp compared to cannabis.
A recent study from the University of Illinois System Institute of Government and Public Affairs released in May found credible evidence that hemp-derived THC products are intentionally marketed and readily available to teens and young adults through online sales and convenience stores.
At least 32 states have responded by passing legislation to increase regulations, or in California’s case, ban intoxicating hemp altogether.
Should it be regulated or banned?
The Wards have grown hemp on their sixth-generation farm since it was legalized in 2018. They’re in the camp that would like to see the intoxicating hemp industry more strictly regulated but not outright banned.
As president of the Illinois Healthy Alternatives Association, a trade association and lobbying group for hemp farmers, Justin Ward has made regular trips to Springfield to advocate for increased hemp regulation.
According to Ward, new regulations should include state-mandated testing to ensure hemp products are compliant with federal regulations and free of toxic contaminants, sold in child-safe packaging and labeling, and have a minimum age requirement at point-of-sale.
“Everything we grow meets that standard,” Ward said. At Stoney Branch Farms, the Wards sell both non-intoxicating and intoxicating forms of hemp, including delta-8. They said the cultivation, processing, packaging and marketing of their products is all done in-house.
Every crop at Stoney Branch goes through a pre-harvest THC potency test by a federal sampling agent, in addition to a post-processing test by a third party to ensure the final products are free of contaminants. The products are then sold online in child-safe packaging to consumers 21 years old or above.
A team of packagers turn hemp into finished products on Justin and Anna Ward’s farm, most of which is sold over the internet. (Isabella Schoonover, Medill Illinois News Bureau)
A bill to make these standards law in Illinois, House Bill 1, was proposed this year with the support of hemp lobbyists, but continued disagreement among stakeholders over the details of licensing, taxation and the legal potency threshold of delta-8 THC caused the bill to stall without being called for a vote, according to the bill’s sponsor Rep. La Shawn Ford, D-Chicago.
Municipalities are free to ban the sale of hemp-derived products as they see fit, and many have; in Chicago, the City Council has approved bans specific to some wards.
The state’s legalized cannabis industry, which saw its first sales in January 2020, has at times called for an outright ban on delta-8. The industry maintains it’s willing to work toward a solution.
Tiffany Chappell Ingram, executive director of the Cannabis Business Association of Illinois, said in a recent statement that regulations are needed to “rein in” intoxicating hemp. She argues that the hemp industry unfairly undercuts licensed cannabis operators, evades health and safety regulations and generates little revenue for state programs due to its low tax rate.
“We’ve been at this for years at this point, but we’ve got a lot of great allies in the legislature.” Ward said. “This hasn’t been banned yet because they’ve listened to us.”
Opposition from cannabis crowd
The state’s cannabis industry argues intoxicating hemp is not distinct enough from cannabis to have its own license category and far fewer barriers to entry and operation.
For example, while a three-year license for hemp only costs $1,100, including initial licensing fees, a license for cannabis costs $100,000 just to apply for a large adult-use cultivation license, then another $100,000 when the license is granted and each time it’s renewed. The state caps large-scale adult-use cultivation centers to 21 licenses, and has issued fewer than 100 smaller-scale “craft grow” licenses at a cost of $40,000.
When hemp was legalized, many who couldn’t gain entry to the cannabis industry took it as an opportunity to produce a similar product without all the red tape.
“Part of the reason we were drawn to hemp is the lower barriers of entry to get into this in comparison to the cannabis industry,” Ward said.
Hemp is also taxed at a much lower rate than cannabis, allowing the industry to price its products more competitively. Cannabis revenues, by comparison, are hurt by stricter taxation and regulatory compliance, according to the University of Illinois report.
Stoney Branch Farms co-founders Justin and Anna Ward say that while the hemp industry is booming, regulating it the same as cannabis would be a massive blow to their farm. “If we could just get some sensible regulation, I think that it would help a lot of business owners feel confident enough to really put their whole weight behind their business,” Anna Ward said. (Isabella Schoonover, Medill Illinois News Bureau)
Social equity cannabis licenses are available at lower costs to those who have been impacted by the state’s prior criminalization of cannabis, including those previously convicted of cannabis related offenses, but the industry is still far from accessible.
Ford, who spearheads the issue of hemp and cannabis regulation each year, said it’s important to balance promises made to current social equity cannabis license holders with any concessions made for hemp.
Ward said he supports easing regulations on cannabis to make the industry more accessible in Illinois, while also keeping hemp accessible through “sensible” regulations.
“We want regulations to protect consumers and weed out bad actors, but we don’t want to see this thing regulated to death,” Ward said.
Legislature divided on regulation
The state legislature hasn’t been able to settle the question of whether to regulate hemp-derived products containing delta-8 THC as distinct from medicinal and recreational cannabis, or to treat them as virtually the same substance.
The issue caused a rift among House Democrats earlier this year, and despite continued discussions during the spring legislative session, lawmakers have still not come to a consensus.
A proposal backed by Pritzker in the 2024 session, House Bill 4293, to legally define hemp as cannabis, would have made it illegal to sell hemp without a cannabis license. Hemp lobbyists strongly opposed that measure, fearing it would shut them out and give cannabis license holders a monopoly over the cannabinoid market.
Pritzker ultimately blamed House Speaker Chris Welch for killing that bill in January. Despite bipartisan support, Welch said at the time the measure didn’t have enough votes within his Democratic ranks to pass. A spokesperson for Welch promised at the time that he would continue to work toward hemp regulation throughout the legislative session.
A spokesperson for the speaker declined to comment on why hemp regulations still didn’t advance. Both hemp and cannabis lobbies have donated tens of thousands of dollars to Welch’s campaign, Ford’s and others over the last several years in the legislative blitz surrounding the various regulatory bills.
Ward said Ford has been one of the hemp lobby’s biggest allies. Ford conducted meetings all session among lawmakers, the governor’s office and industry stakeholders in an effort to find common ground.
In many convenience stores that sell hemp, the products are behind the counter, even though it’s not illegal to sell hemp products to minors. These packages are also labeled “21+” and “keep out of reach of children.” Critics say the design, modeled after Sour Patch Kids, is intentionally designed to appeal to children. (Simon Carr, Medill Illinois News Bureau)
“We have two competing industries, and we already have existing businesses, and existing businesses are not interested in just losing their operations,” Ford said.
While closed-door conversations surrounding hemp regulations have continued, there has yet to be a public hearing on hemp. Rep. Sonya Harper, D-Chicago, who chairs the House agriculture committee, said the speaker had not responded to her requests for such a hearing.
“I just want to actually make sure that the voices of those most impacted are heard,” Harper said.
Likelihood of future hemp regulation
Though there’s been significant pressure from Pritzker and some advocacy groups to regulate hemp in Illinois, Ford said he’s not inclined to rush the process, arguing it needs broader bipartisan support.
“We had a problem when we regulated cannabis: we sort of rushed it, and we didn’t have stakeholders all at the table,” Ford said. “Some Republicans would say that they were not a part of it.”
A number of Republicans have recently joined negotiations over hemp legislation. But a compromise still seems far off. Rep. C.D. Davidsmeyer, R-Murrayville, who’s been leading that effort, said Republicans are unlikely to support anything but closing the intoxicating hemp loophole.
Davidsmeyer said he opposes the double standard for cannabis license holders versus hemp.
“If you’re going to have a standard, you have everybody in the same industry going by the same rules,” he said.
A row of mature hemp plants grows in one of the greenhouses at Stoney Branch Farms in Rushville, Illinois. (Isabella Schoonover, Medill Illinois News Bureau)
A spokesperson from the governor’s office said his position has not changed since he called for greater regulation.
“I think that it’s agreed that, from the speaker of the House, the governor and the Republicans and myself, and the industry, everyone agrees that we should regulate this,” Ford said. “Over the months, we should be able to get something. It’s a priority.”
Federal changes coming?
A bill that would end this hemp loophole at the federal level passed through the U.S. Senate Appropriations Committee on Thursday, July 10. If that bill becomes law, the cultivation and sale of hemp products containing “quantifiable amounts” of THC would once again be prohibited under federal law, rolling back the previous allowance of 0.3%.
This would deal a devastating blow to the more than $400 million U.S. hemp industry.
One of the most common forms of hemp sold in the U.S. is cannabidiol, or CBD, a non-intoxicating cannabinoid which is marketed as a therapeutic alternative for the treatment of conditions like insomnia, inflammation and seizure disorders.
“That’s a big focus of our business still, is people who are looking for some of the therapeutic benefits that cannabis can provide without a high,” Ward said.
Because CBD almost always still has trace amounts of THC, proposals to ban any “quantifiable amount” of THC could result in the prohibition of CBD products. “I think we really do a disservice to a great number of consumers in Illinois by doing that,” Ward said.
Simon Carr is a student in journalism with Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism, Media, Integrated Marketing Communications, and a fellow in its Medill Illinois News Bureau working in partnership with Capitol News Illinois.
Isabella Schoonover is a graduate student in journalism with Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism, Media, Integrated Marketing Communications, and a fellow in its Medill Illinois News Bureau working in partnership with Capitol News Illinois.
Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
The post Intoxicating hemp remains unregulated in Illinois following legislative inaction appeared first on Capitol News Illinois.
Trump releases half of National Guard on LA guard duty
The Trump administration released half of the California National Guard members recently called to Los Angeles, citing “subsiding” lawlessness.
Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass called the release a “retreat,” citing the impact of protests in the city and the city’s lawsuits against the Trump administration.
After days of unmitigated rioting in Los Angeles against increased federal immigration raids, President Donald Trump federalized and deployed 4,000 National Guard members and 700 U.S. Marines to primarily guard federal property in the city.
While a federal district court initially ruled against the Trump administration’s deployment and ordered the National Guard members transferred back to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s command, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit ultimately sided with the Trump administration.
“Thanks to our troops who stepped up to answer the call, the lawlessness in Los Angeles is subsiding,” U.S. Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell said Tuesday. “As such, the Secretary has ordered the release of 2,000 California National Guardsmen from the federal protection mission.”
Bass pointed to the release as the product of the city’s more peaceful protests in recent weeks and its legal challenges against the Trump administration.
“This happened because the people of Los Angeles stood united and stood strong,” said Bass. “We organized peaceful protests, we came together at rallies, we took the Trump administration to court — all of this led to today’s retreat.”
“My message today to Angelenos is clear — I will never stop fighting for this city,” continued Bass. “We will not stop making our voices heard until this ends, not just here in LA, but throughout our country.”
In one case, U.S. District Judge Maame Ewusi-Mensah Frimpong issued a ruling last Friday placing some limits on federal immigration operations, including requiring “reasonable suspicion that the person to be stopped is within the United States in violation of U.S. immigration law.” The Trump administration filed an appeal with the 9th Circuit court.
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